AI监控反乌托邦:我们正梦游般滑入
We’re sleepwalking into an AI surveillance dystopia
Illustration by Chuan Ming Ong for Transformer
插画:王传明,为《Transformer》所作
There are almost too many ways it could start.
可能以何种方式开始,几乎多到数不清。
Emboldened ICE agents are sent en masse into another blue city. The White House sends federal agents to “observe” polling stations. Federalized national guards are deployed. In the face of what they see as a life-or-death threat to their neighbors — or to American democracy itself — local residents start to mobilize, as they have in so many cities before.
胆大妄为的移民及海关执法局(ICE)特工被大批派往另一座蓝城。白宫派遣联邦特工“监督”投票站。联邦化的国民警卫队被部署。面对他们认为对邻居——或对美国民主本身——生死攸关的威胁,当地居民开始动员起来,正如此前在许多城市所发生的那样。
Cut through the noise.
穿透噪音。
As public social media accounts post details of protests, these are already being cross-referenced against bulk public datasets — bought, entirely legally, by federal agencies — to identify who is behind them. Connecting your TikTok account to a shop for a discount, or using X to log in to a delivery service just once, is enough: entirely legally, your anonymous social media account is tied to your real identity, and perhaps even your home address. From there, contact networks can be unmasked. This time, though, the federal government has made preparations.
当公开社交媒体账号发布抗议细节时,这些信息已被与批量公共数据集交叉比对——这些数据由联邦机构完全合法购买——以识别幕后之人。将你的TikTok账号关联到商店以获取折扣,或仅用X登录一次外卖服务,就足以:完全合法地,你匿名的社交媒体账号被与你的真实身份绑定,甚至可能包括你的家庭住址。从那里,联系人网络可以被揭露。但这一次,联邦政府已做了准备。
Under the guise of monitoring for foreign interference in US politics, the FBI has been operating hundreds of AI-powered personas, or “bot” accounts, based in different US cities. Having built up a posting history over the course of months, these AI agents easily earn the trust required to get inside the various Signal and Telegram groups used to mobilize resistance, gathering information about meet places, timings and unguarded statements. Usernames and other details are easily matched to real-world identities, including their full online histories, their Amazon purchases, their…everything.
以监控外国干预美国政治为幌子,联邦调查局(FBI)一直在运营数百个基于不同美国城市的人工智能驱动的角色,即“机器人”账号。经过数月积累发帖历史,这些AI代理轻松赢得信任,得以进入用于动员抵抗的各种Signal和Telegram群组,收集关于集合地点、时间和不经意的言论的信息。用户名和其他细节很容易与真实世界身份匹配,包括其完整的在线历史、亚马逊购物记录、他们的一切。
By the time anyone even takes to the streets, the government has the contents of their messages and coordination, and has preloaded facial recognition systems and geo-tagging tools to ping when certain individuals cross a police line, or enter somewhere off-limits. It is ready for mass arrests on all manner of charges: conspiracy, impeding the operations of law enforcement, and whatever it goes on to find. As networks of license-plate-tracking cameras coupled with advanced AI systems, such as those operated by Flock, proliferate, such pursuits only get easier. The kind of peaceful protest against ICE seen in Minneapolis just became impossible.
等到任何人甚至走上街头时,政府已掌握其消息内容和协调情况,并预装了面部识别系统和地理标记工具,以便在特定个体越过警戒线或进入禁区时发出警报。它已准备好以各种罪名进行大规模逮捕:共谋、妨碍执法行动,以及随后发现的任何罪名。随着车牌追踪摄像头网络与先进AI系统(如Flock运营的系统)的普及,此类追踪只会变得更加容易。在明尼阿波利斯看到的针对ICE的和平抗议变得不可能了。
A Flock safety camera in Burbank, California. Credit: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images
加州伯班克的一台Flock安全摄像头。图片来源:Justin Sullivan/Getty Images
For now, this is a near-future hypothetical, another warning of surveillance dystopia, a refreshed version of 1984 or Minority Report. But this time, there’s a crucial difference: all of the technology to deliver this already exists, and is already in widespread use. Existing large language models would be more than capable of delivering such a system, not just pulling together disparate sources of intelligence, but analyzing them in real-time, “advising” police on who to grab, and where to find them. Those systems will only improve in time. An administration could at least argue — and try its luck through the courts —that existing laws would allow all of this to be done.
目前,这仍是一个近未来的假设情境,是对监控反乌托邦的又一次警示,是《1984》或《少数派报告》的现代翻版。但这一次,有一个关键的不同:实现这一切所需的技术已经存在,并且已被广泛使用。现有的大型语言模型完全有能力构建这样的系统,不仅能整合分散的情报来源,还能实时分析,为警方“建议”该抓捕谁、去哪里找他们。这些系统只会随着时间不断改进。政府至少可以辩称——并在法庭上碰碰运气——现有法律已允许这一切的实施。
Whether we have all-pervasive surveillance or not is now a matter of policy and budget priorities alone. It no longer relies upon development timelines. When a little over a decade ago Edward Snowden revealed the scale of the NSA’s mass collection of data — the reporting of which I worked on for the Guardian — the agency struggled to come up with success stories to justify its program to Congress. All it could show for spending billions of dollars was that the system had helped it catch a single $8,500 donation to the Somali terror group al-Shabab. The aim of Keith Alexander, the NSA director at the time, to “collect it all” ran ahead of the government’s capabilities to analyze that much data in real time.
我们是否拥有无处不在的监控,如今已纯粹是政策和预算优先级的问题,不再取决于技术研发的时间表。十多年前,爱德华·斯诺登揭露了美国国家安全局大规模收集数据的规模——我曾为《卫报》参与相关报道——当时该机构难以拿出成功案例来向国会证明其项目的合理性。花费数十亿美元后,它所能展示的仅仅是该系统帮助拦截了一笔向索马里恐怖组织青年党提供的8500美元捐款。时任国安局局长基思·亚历山大的“收集一切”目标,超出了政府实时分析如此海量数据的能力。
Over the last few months, I have had conversations with current and former law enforcement staff, former intelligence agents from multiple countries, figures inside the large AI companies and broader technology sector, alongside academics and figures in civil society. Out of that, one clear message has emerged. Thanks to AI, the surveillance dystopia science fiction has spent decades warning us about is already here. We just haven’t noticed yet.
过去几个月里,我与现任及前任执法人员、多国前情报人员、大型AI公司及更广泛科技领域的内部人士,以及学术界和公民社会人士进行了交流。从中浮现出一个清晰的信息:得益于人工智能,科幻小说几十年来警告我们的监控反乌托邦已经到来。我们只是尚未察觉而已。
“We’ll enjoy this brief period of endurance of individual liberal rights solely on the basis of the good fortune of incompetence,” says Seth Lazar, a philosopher of the School of Government and Policy at Johns Hopkins University. Lazar, not a natural optimist, suggests we may look back on this as the good times. “The language models are, like, total fucking narcs. They could just as easily be snitches as well.”
“我们将享受这段个人自由权利得以存续的短暂时期,仅仅是因为无能带来的好运,”约翰斯·霍普金斯大学政府与政策学院的哲学家塞斯·拉扎尔说。拉扎尔并非天生的乐观主义者,他暗示我们或许会回望这段时光,视之为美好岁月。“这些语言模型简直是彻头彻尾的告密者。它们同样可以轻易成为线人。”
The truth is that the specter of mass surveillance as a threat to our civil liberties is the dog that never barked. Snowden upended his life — to this day, he lives in exile in Russia — to reveal the extent of US mass surveillance capabilities. After some initial outrage, however, the world largely shrugged. Cameras have become ubiquitous in London, and life continues largely unchanged. We are mostly desensitized to these capabilities.
事实是,大规模监控作为对我们公民自由的威胁,这一幽灵就像那只从未吠叫的狗。斯诺登颠覆了自己的人生——至今他仍流亡俄罗斯——以揭露美国大规模监控能力的程度。然而,在最初的愤怒之后,世界大体上耸耸肩接受了。伦敦的摄像头无处不在,生活基本照旧。我们对这些能力大多已麻木。
With the Snowden revelations, it seemed as if, yes, the NSA was collecting everything they could — but they were just drowning themselves in data. In London, the reason is fairly simple: yes, there are cameras everywhere, but no one is watching what they record, even if we’d like them to (when our bike is stolen, for example).
随着斯诺登的爆料,看起来确实如此——是的,NSA在收集一切能收集到的信息——但他们只是让自己淹没在数据中。在伦敦,原因相当简单:是的,到处都有摄像头,但没人看它们录下的内容,即使我们希望他们看(比如我们的自行车被偷时)。
Most criticisms of mass surveillance have been predicated on it not working as intended. The civil liberties version of the argument goes like this: imagine you’re living in a Western country and you text your friend, who happens to be of Pakistani heritage, that the game this weekend is going to be “THE BOMB.” One misfire of a crude surveillance algorithm later, and you could both be on the wrong side of some aggressive police attention.
对大规模监控的大多数批评都基于它未能按预期运作。公民自由版本的论点是这样的:想象你生活在一个西方国家,你给朋友发短信,他恰好有巴基斯坦血统,说这周末的比赛将会“超级精彩”。一个粗糙的监控算法失误后,你们俩可能就会招来警察的粗暴关注。
The public safety argument is a mirror image of this, first set out to me years ago by the independent surveillance law expert Eric Kind. In most Western countries, the number of people who are seriously planning or considering carrying out a major terror attack in the immediate future is far more likely to be in the hundreds at the most, rather than the thousands. Generally, these people can be identified through old-fashioned methods — human and community intelligence. In the UK, the perpetrator of almost every major terror attack in the last decade was already known to authorities.
公共安全的论点与此镜像对称,多年前独立监控法律专家埃里克·金德首次向我阐述。在大多数西方国家,近期内认真策划或考虑实施重大恐怖袭击的人数,最多可能只有几百人,而非数千人。通常,这些人可以通过传统方法——人力和社区情报——被识别出来。在英国,过去十年几乎每起重大恐怖袭击的实施者都已被当局知晓。
Using mass surveillance to tackle this problem is essentially making the haystack ever bigger as you look for a fixed number of needles. All of that changes, though, in a world where AI is smart enough to get it right much more often. How do you argue against an always-on surveillance system that actually works?
用大规模监控来解决这个问题,本质上是在寻找固定数量的针时,把干草堆做得越来越大。然而,在一个AI足够聪明、能更频繁地正确判断的世界里,这一切都会改变。你如何反对一个始终开启且确实有效的监控系统呢?
Take London: all of the technology for collection is already there. Cameras are everywhere, though mostly not centrally networked. Mobile phone tracking is not just possible, but actively used on the underground system. Technology linking people’s payment cards to their movement already exists. Police already have facial recognition technology, though only use it at present on particular deployments. Even the legal framework to use these new technologies is almost entirely in place, if often untested.
以伦敦为例:收集所需的所有技术已经就位。摄像头无处不在,尽管大多未实现中央联网。手机追踪不仅可行,而且在地铁系统中已被积极使用。将人们的支付卡与行踪关联起来的技术已经存在。警方已拥有面部识别技术,尽管目前仅在特定部署中使用。即便是使用这些新技术的法律框架也几乎完全到位,尽管常常未经检验。
A Metropolitan Police facial recognition van deployed in central London. Credit: Leon Neal/Getty Images
一辆部署在伦敦市中心的大都会警察面部识别车。图片来源:Leon Neal/Getty Images
Tying these together into an AI-powered system to — at first, at least — help with the detection of serious crime is a matter of joining up existing systems and getting access to either a data center with the processing power to handle that much information, or an API from one of the big AI providers. The tools are now powerful enough to ingest, sort and join-up this data in a way that only a decade ago was out of reach.
将这些技术整合成一个AI驱动的系统——至少初期——用于协助侦测严重犯罪,关键在于连接现有系统,并获取能够处理如此大量信息的处理能力的数据中心,或从大型AI提供商处获取API。这些工具如今已足够强大,能够摄取、分类并关联这些数据,这在十年前还是遥不可及的。
更进一步:量化金融体系
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