Bloomberg周末版:美债回购、伊朗局势与阿西莫格鲁访谈
Bloomberg Businessweek Weekend: August 21st, 2026 | Bloomberg Businessweek
涵盖美债政策转向、宏观数据更新及关键央行官员前瞻,信息密度高且直接关联资产定价逻辑,建议关注美债波动与利率预期变化。
[music] Bloomberg Audio Studios, podcasts, radio, news.
[音乐] 彭博音频工作室,播客,广播,新闻。
This is Bloomberg Business Week Daily, reporting from the magazine that helps global leaders stay ahead with insight on the people, companies, and trends shaping today's complex [music] economy. Plus, global business, finance, and tech news as it happens. Bloomberg Business Week Daily with Carol Masser [music] and Tim Stenc on Bloomberg Radio.
这里是《彭博商业周刊》每日版,从那本帮助全球领导者通过洞察塑造当今复杂[音乐]经济的人物、公司和趋势来保持领先优势的杂志报道。此外,还有实时发生的全球商业、金融和科技新闻。《彭博商业周刊》每日版,由卡罗尔·马瑟[音乐]和蒂姆·斯滕克在彭博广播播出。
Hi everyone, welcome to the weekend edition of Bloomberg Business Week. Tim is off. Well, this week traders took stock after US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessant announced a surprise increase in long-term bond buybacks to stem a rise in yields that had taken them to a near two decade high. Analysts have warned the plan may be a short-term fix given concerns about large fiscal deficits and oil driven inflation. Also a concern, US government debt.
大家好,欢迎来到周末版的《彭博商业周刊》。蒂姆休假了。好吧,本周交易员们在美财长斯科特·贝森特宣布意外增加长期债券回购以遏制收益率升至近二十年高位后进行了盘点。分析师警告称,鉴于对巨额财政赤字和石油驱动型通胀的担忧,该计划可能只是短期解决方案。另一个令人担忧的问题是美国政府债务。
We got an update on that this week coming in at $40 trillion. We also got retail earnings, continued uncertainty over the US war in Iran, a softening trade stance between the US and Canada, and the latest FOMC minutes showing some hawkish sentiment that could re-energize bets for a rate hike come September. All ahead of remarks this coming week from Fed Chairman Kevin Walsh at the annual Jackson Hole Symposium. His lack of guidance on when or whether the central bank will adjust rates has added to uncertainty over the policy outlook.
我们本周收到了关于此问题的最新进展,规模已达40万亿美元。我们还获得了零售业的财报数据,美国在伊朗战争中的持续不确定性,美加之间贸易立场的软化,以及最新的FOMC会议纪要显示出一些鹰派情绪,这可能重新激发九月加息的预期。所有这些都将迎来美联储主席凯文·沃尔什下周在年度杰克逊霍尔研讨会上发表的讲话。他对于央行何时或是否会调整利率缺乏指引,加剧了对政策前景的不确定性。
As always, the latest on all of this and more can be found on the Bloomberg terminal and at bloomberg.com. Now, one of the things we love to do is give a topic, an individual, a leader, a market watcher an extended amount of time to talk with us. We learn more. We hope you do as well. So last week we did this on the US's latest push to secure rare earths and critical minerals. This week we feature one of the most influential and frequently cited economists in the world.
一如既往,有关这一切及更多的最新动态可在彭博终端和bloomberg.com上找到。现在,我们喜欢做的一件事是给予一个话题、一个人物、一位领导者或市场观察家充足的时间与我们交谈。我们能学到更多。希望你们也是如此。上周,我们就美国最新推动确保稀土和关键矿产供应进行了这样的对话。本周,我们将介绍世界上最具影响力且被引用最多的经济学家之一。
We are talking about Nobel laurate and MIT professor Deron Asamoglu. Our conversation coincided with his new book, What Happened to Liberal Democracy? Remaking a politics of shared prosperity. He joins us in just a moment. That chat is chalk full of topics for weekend discussions. And since it is the weekend and because we believe in mixing thoughtful discussions with some fun, we are going to wrap up with the founder of HSP brands on how Gen Z is impacting the cocktail hour.
我们要谈论的是诺贝尔奖得主、麻省理工学院教授德隆·阿西莫格鲁。我们的谈话恰逢他的新书《自由民主怎么了?重塑共享繁荣的政治》出版。他稍后将加入我们的节目。这次聊天充满了适合周末讨论的话题。既然现在是周末,而且我们相信将深思熟虑的讨论与一些乐趣相结合,我们将以HSP品牌的创始人作为结尾,探讨Z世代如何影响鸡尾酒时间。
All right, let's get to it and let's begin with one important question. What happened to liberal democracy? That is what Nobel laurate economist and MIT professor Deron Asamoglu explores in his latest book aptly named what happened to liberal democracy remaking a politics of shared prosperity. He argues that liberalism is dying primarily of self-inflicted wounds. His solution what he calls workingclass liberalism. He began talking with Tim and me about the initial success of the idea.
好的,让我们开始吧,先从一个重要问题入手:自由民主怎么了?诺贝尔经济学奖得主、麻省理工学院教授德隆·阿西莫格鲁(Daron Acemoglu)在他最新且书名恰如其分的著作《自由民主怎么了:重塑共享繁荣的政治》中探讨了这一问题。他认为,自由主义主要死于自残之伤。他的解决方案是他所称的“工人阶级自由主义”。他最初与我和蒂姆讨论了这一想法的初步成功。
I think liberal democracy is one of the greatest achievements we've had from our ape beginnings and lives in very unequal circumstances in very uncertain existence mired by violence. Today we live in very complex societies open to ideas with lots of individual freedom. people participate in politics peacefully, reach compromise, sometimes consensus, and moreover we get lots of things from the government including our ability to express our voice.
我认为,自由民主是我们从猿人时代以来最伟大的成就之一,它诞生于极其不平等的境况和充满暴力、充满不确定性的生存环境中。今天,我们生活在非常复杂的社会中,思想开放,拥有大量的个人自由。人们和平地参与政治,达成妥协,有时甚至达成共识,此外,我们从政府那里获得了许多东西,包括我们表达自己声音的能力。
That is an amazing achievement and we are I think at the cusp of losing it. Liberal democracy which still in my mind is the best framework definitely something we very much need for the future is in crisis after decades and decades of actually serving us quite well. So we have to understand that crisis and we have to rebuild liberal democracy unless we risk we want to risk losing it. We're going to talk about how you think we can rebuild it, but I want to just get some parameters set here and and and do some definitions because early on in your book, you talk about the definition of of liberalism and how it means different things to different people depending on where you live, the European view versus the American view.
这是一项惊人的成就,我认为我们正处在失去它的边缘。自由民主在我心目中仍然是最好的框架,绝对是未来非常需要的东西,但在几十年来实际上为我们提供了良好服务之后,它正处于危机之中。因此,我们必须理解这场危机,并且必须重建自由民主,否则我们将冒着失去它的风险。我们将讨论你认为我们可以如何重建它,但我想先在这里设定一些参数并进行一些定义,因为在你书的早期部分,你谈到了自由主义的定义,以及它根据你居住的地方(欧洲观点与美国观点)对不同的人意味着不同的事情。
Just straighten that out for us right now before we dive into this conversation.
在我们深入这次对话之前,现在就帮我们理清这一点。
Yeah, thanks Tim. And that's very important. Liberalism has had many meanings over the ages and today it's a big tent but at the core of it is a commitment to protect individual liberties also protect the weaker members of society and also a commitment to progress from which we all benefit. Those are the defining features of liberal ideas and they have acted as a rallying cry for people to build a better society. And the way that I define it, liberal democracy is the institutionalization of these ideas.
是的,谢谢蒂姆。这非常重要。自由主义在历史上曾有许多含义,如今它是一个大伞式概念,但其核心是对保护个人自由的承诺,也保护社会中较弱势的成员,以及对进步的承诺,我们都从中受益。这些是自由主义思想的定义特征,它们一直作为人们建设更美好社会的号召。我对其的定义方式是,自由民主是这些理念制度化。
It's a
它是
it's carrying them to the actual practice of our lives. And it's been brilliantly successful in the grand scheme of things. We've had decades of very rapid growth under liberal democracy for the about four decades following World War II. Those were not just high growth periods, but they were periods in which inequality was remaining stable or sometimes even declining. Every demographic group
它们正被带入我们生活的实际实践中。而且,在宏大的历史格局中,它取得了辉煌的成功。在二战后的约四十年里,自由民主制下经历了数十年的快速增长时期。这些不仅是高增长阶段,也是不平等状况保持稳定甚至有时下降的时期。每一个人口群体
Mhm. men, women, by race, different education groups. They saw their earnings grow very rapidly and you know always political disagreements were very important but generally peacefully. Today if you look at the picture is very different. Shared prosperity doesn't work anymore. inequality has increased a lot. But worse, in the United States, we've seen about [snorts] half of the population without a college degree experience stagnant or declining wages for about four decades.
嗯。男性、女性、不同种族、不同教育背景群体。他们的收入迅速增长,你知道,政治分歧虽然一直很重要,但通常是和平解决的。今天,如果你看现在的局面,情况大不相同。共享繁荣不再奏效。不平等大幅加剧。更糟糕的是,在美国,我们看到大约[喷鼻息声]没有大学学位的人口经历了长达四十年的工资停滞或下降。
While productivity increase, while people with college degrees, post-graduate degrees improve their living standards significantly. And when you ask Americans, they have such negative views of democratic institutions. Their trust in Congress, in the Supreme Court, in the presidencies at an all-time low. The country is polarized. And very concerningly, [snorts] all Americans, but especially the young are much less willing to say that democracy is the best form of government and they're willing to experiment with different ideas.
与此同时,生产力提高,拥有大学学位和研究生学位的人群显著改善了生活水平。当你询问美国人时,他们对民主制度持有如此负面的看法。他们对国会、最高法院以及总统的信任度降至历史最低点。国家处于两极分化状态。令人非常担忧的是,[喷鼻息声]所有美国人,尤其是年轻人,越来越不愿意承认民主是最好的政府形式,并且他们愿意尝试不同的理念。
Joe, were we destined to come here? I think people point fingers at a particular president or political figure,
乔,我们注定要来到这里吗?我认为人们会指责某位特定的总统或政治人物,
but we were we destined to be here.
但我们是否注定要陷入这种境地呢。
I wouldn't say we're destined to be here, but I would also not blame it on a particular president or particular set of choices that are US specific because you see very similar trends across many advanced nations and even in the emerging world.
我不会说我们注定要陷入这种境地,但我也不会将其归咎于某位特定的总统或美国特有的特定选择,因为你在许多先进国家甚至新兴世界中都能看到非常相似的趋势。
Mhm. So there are some commonalities there. So that's very important to get the diagnosis right so that we know how to deal with it.
嗯。所以那里存在一些共性。因此,正确诊断非常重要,这样我们就知道如何应对。
You you actually make the point early on. I mean this is the way your book begins and and Carol and I were both struck by this because we hear a lot about Victor Orban
你实际上在早期就提出了这个观点。我的意思是,这是你书的开篇方式,卡罗尔和我都对此印象深刻,因为我们经常听到关于维克托·欧尔班(Victor Orban)
now and the figure that he is in in Hungary. But you make the point that look this is somebody who in the late ' 80s early 90s was a very different leader and represented something very different not just for that country but for Europe.
现在以及他在匈牙利地位的大量讨论。但你指出,看起来这位领导人在80年代末90年代初是完全不同的领导人,代表的意义也截然不同,不仅对该国而言,对整个欧洲也是如此。
Absolutely. Absolutely. And I think uh it is sort of telling of the arc of liberalism that he was the poster child for you know liberty for building democratic institutions and then he turned his back to on all of these ideas. You know the exact circumstances in Hungary of course are different. Post-transition societies had a lot of troubles. Many of them navigated them better than Hungary. But I think the issues that we see in the United States have commonalities with Hungary, but they have a lot of commonalities with what's going on in the UK, in France, in Germany, in the rest of Europe.
没错。确实如此。我认为,他曾是自由主义构建民主制度的象征性人物,却最终背弃了这些理念,这一事实某种程度上揭示了自由主义的演变轨迹。当然,匈牙利的具体情境有所不同。转型后的社会曾面临诸多困境,其中许多国家比匈牙利应对得更好。但我认为,美国所面临的问题与匈牙利存在共性,同时也与英国、法国、德国及欧洲其他地区的情况有诸多相似之处。
I
我
is there anywhere where this is not happening right now that you would hold up in 2026 as as a an ideal liberal democracy?
目前是否还有任何地方尚未出现这种情况,你可以将其作为2026年理想自由民主制的典范?
Ideal absolutely not. And I don't think I if you ask me what is an ideal liberal democracy going back, no, there isn't. That's liberalism is always an aspiring ideology and liberal democracy is always a work in progress. But today you see different degrees of crisis.
理想状态?绝对没有。如果你问我什么是理想的自由民主制,答案是没有。因为自由主义始终是一种追求中的意识形态,而自由民主制也始终是一项未竟的事业。但今天,我们看到的是不同程度的危机。
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